The power to depict history is entangled with the power to create
it. George Orwell observed long ago: "Who controls the past controls the
future; who controls the present controls the past." And so it is in 2001,
as American media outlets draw conclusions about the presidencies of Ronald
Reagan and Bill Clinton.
For conservative pundits, the two are open-and-shut cases of
virtue and depravity; honor and its absence. The Gipper's recent 90th
birthday brought an outpouring of tributes from top Republican
image-crafters and media commentators, often one and the same. Reagan is
now "lauded and embraced not only by the country but by its opinion
leaders, its media, its historians and elites," Peggy Noonan rejoiced.
The Wall Street Journal's editorial page was an apt place for the
gushing from Noonan, a former Reagan speech writer, still enraptured, still
spinning, more pleased than ever with the mega-media adulation of her hero:
"All week in the Reagan specials they celebrated, without saying the word,
his character. But that's what his political victories were about.... He
swam against the tide, moved forward, made progress, and got, ultimately,
to shore."
Liberal pundits show little interest in disputing President
Reagan's greatness. Evidently, it's easier for columnists and editorial
writers to forget or forgive than it is for, say, the thousands of people
in Nicaragua or Angola whose grief was scarcely reported in the U.S. press
during the 1980s, while the Reagan administration funneled large amounts of
money and weaponry to "freedom fighters" who massacred their loved ones.
Now, bygones are pretty much bygones along the Potomac. A tacit
understanding prevails: If you can't say something nice about Ronald
Reagan, better not to say anything at all.
The present-day media verdict on Bill Clinton's legacy is a whole
other matter -- polarized and contentious. His longtime foes are eager to
define his presidency as eight disastrous years (mitigated by a strong
economy). Meanwhile, lots of liberals take a completely different stand.
While acknowledging negative effects of his personal flaws and
ethical shadiness, numerous boosters have given Clinton's presidency high
marks. "Clinton has been a very effective president," CNN's liberal Bill
Press wrote in mid-January with typical homage. "He can leave office
proudly, having led the United States into the 21st century."
Farther leftward, some have also jumped at the chance to sum up
the Clinton record in glowing terms. "Clinton's historical reputation will
more than surmount the petty complaints of contemporary critics and leave
him remembered as one of the hardest working, most competent, fundamentally
decent and smartest men to ever serve in the office," syndicated columnist
Robert Scheer concluded. "He was an excellent president."
To share in such a sweeping judgment requires us to downgrade the
importance of certain subjects -- and certain people. For instance: As he
led the charge for the "war on drugs," President Clinton was instrumental
in filling the nation's prisons with more and more Americans -- most of
them poor and dark-skinned -- to the point that 2 million are now behind
bars. Just how important is that reality? If a president did so much to
bring it about, how excellent could he have been?
Six months ago, on the opening night of the Democratic National
Convention in Los Angeles, bright colored signs flashed all through the
amphitheater, operating as enormous cue-cards for the assembled loyal
delegates -- "Thank you Bill" -- while they dutifully chanted for maximum
media impact. Such orchestration is a task of political advance teams.
Journalists, hopefully, have different sorts of work to do.
In spite of their better insights, year after year, many liberal
pundits functioned as de facto apologists for Clintonism, with the implicit
rationale that his right-wing enemies were much worse. In the process, the
main priority often seemed to be shilling more than truth-telling. But
journalists -- whether reporters, news analysts or commentators -- should
serve different purposes than partisan spinmeisters.
Assessments of the Clinton presidency are not only relevant to the
past. At Clinton's insistence, his big-money pal Terry McAuliffe is
enthroned as the chair of the Democratic National Committee. The people in
charge of the party seem determined to keep pace with the Republicans in
saturating their endeavors with corporate loot. If the overall politics and
policies of the Clinton presidency were A-OK, then there's a lot more where
that came from.
Norman Solomon is a syndicated columnist. His latest book is The Habits of
Highly Deceptive Media.
